Gilgit Baltistan: Neither ‘In’ Pakistan Nor ‘Of’ It? – Analysis, By Priyanka Singh

Written by: IPCS    March 6, 2012
http://www.eurasiareview.com/06032012-gilgit-baltistan-neither-in-pakistan-nor-of-it-analysis/

While strategic analysts in India are debating the extent and consequences of the Chinese presence in Gilgit Baltistan (Pakistan occupied Kashmir – PoK), a legal battle is being waged across the Line of Control (LoC), which is relevant to India’s claim on PoK. A petition recently filed in the Supreme Court of Pakistan challenges the authority and jurisdiction of the Government of Pakistan on Gilgit Baltistan. The petition has been filed by Dr. Ghulam Abbas, a resident of Gilgit and chairman of the Gilgit Baltistan National Movement.

 

 Location of Gilgit-Baltistan (red), without Siachen Glacier in Pakistan 

 

The current crisis began after the appointment of a retired Judge, who is not a native of Gilgit Baltistan, as the Chief Justice of the Gilgit Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court. This was the second such instance where the local population had objected to the appointment of a judge to this position. The petitioner demanded that Article 60(5, 6) and 60(8) of the Self Governance Order be declared null and void. These specific clauses invest absolute authority in the Chairman of the Gilgit Baltistan Council, i.e. the Prime Minister of Pakistan, and virtually the Government of Pakistan, to make such appointments.
The Supreme Court not only admitted the petition, but also in very clear terms asked the Attorney General whether it was possible for the President of Pakistan (under Article 248 of the Pakistani constitution) to issue such political orders for Gilgit Baltistan. To this the Attorney General replied that since Gilgit Baltistan does not have a direct representation in the federal government, the President issued the order on behalf of the government.

Gilgit Baltistan (till 2009 it was referred to as the Northern Areas by the Government of Pakistan) does not find mention in the Constitution of Pakistan and it is neither independent nor has a provincial status. This huge territory, part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, has been under Pakistan’s control since 1947. It is currently governed by the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order introduced by the Pakistan government in August 2009. The package was introduced mainly to assuage the prevailing feeling of neglect among the people of the region, and made nominal changes in the political system such as restoring the original nomenclature of Gilgit Baltistan, which was one of the long standing demands of the local population. Currently, the region has an elected assembly and a council headed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan. This council wields all the powers and controls the resources and revenue accrued from the region. Added to this, the government of the region is under the overall control of the federal ministry of the Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit Baltistan (KAGB).

It was in this context that the petition was filed and the Supreme Court bench asked the federal government and the Ministry of KAGB to provide a report on the political status of Gilgit Baltistan within a period of 15 days.

The petition has unleashed an animated debate in the political circles in Gilgit Baltistan. The issue dominated the proceedings of the region’s Legislative Assembly in the following days. Legislators articulated their views by putting forward two viable options: either the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order be given some kind of a legal cover, or the region be given the status of the so-called AJK (Azad Jammu & Kashmir) which is ruled under a separate constitution. Some expressed their apprehension that the Empowerment and Self-Governance package order was provisional, and until it is legalised it may be repealed anytime to suit the whims and fancies of successive governments in Islamabad. Some went to the extent of calling Gilgit Baltistan a fake province with no constitutional endorsement. A basic point which emerged from the discussion was that till the time Gilgit Baltistan remains ‘disputed’, it cannot be assimilated as an additional province of Pakistan.

The Law Minster of Gilgit Baltistan, Wazir Shakil, tried to downplay the whole issue by stating that since the order was a presidential order, it could not be abolished. The Chief Minister, Syed Mehdi Shah, however tried to build consensus by urging political allies to insist upon the federal leadership to take up the matter in Islamabad’s parliament pursuing permanent status for Gilgit Baltistan.

This political deadlock is not a case in isolation. The people of Gilgit Baltistan are disillusioned with the way Pakistan is administering the region and the local leadership has rejected the political set-up provided under the empowerment package. This order, they feel, has failed to meet their political demands and address the socio economic problems. Earlier, the State Subject Rule was abolished by former Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to facilitate outsiders acquiring land and assets in the region. Later, the ethnic composition of the region was tampered with by the Zia-ul-Haq-sponsored anti-Shia forces; the number of Shias in this otherwise predominantly Shia region was reduced drastically. The attack on Shia pilgrims in Kohistan on February 28, 2012, while they were on their way back to Gilgit Baltistan, is a pointer to the continuing threats the Shias face even today. In this particular case, at least 16 people were forced to disembark from the bus and were brutally shot to death.

Political problems in Gilgit Baltistan have existed for long, and today the situation is further complicated by growing external interference from China and innumerable instances of resource-drain organised by Islamabad. People in Gilgit Baltistan have expressed their resentment over the increasing Chinese involvement in the region and view it as an unwelcome intrusion. The Gilgit Baltistan diaspora has, in recent years, played an active role in creating awareness on these issues via the electronic media, dedicated websites and blogs, etc.

What appears to be of interest here is the claim by the people of Gilgit Baltistan that the region does not belong to Pakistan. If Pakistan concedes that Gilgit Baltistan is a disputed territory, it will have to give it a separate status like AJK. This is the moot point emerging from the ensuing political debate in the entire PoK. This is in congruence with an earlier statement issued by Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) terming the territory as “disputed” in response to the Indian Ministry of External Affairs of India statement objecting to the building of the Diamer Bhasha dam in PoK in 2006. India has for long being insisting that Chinese involvement in Gilgit Baltistan is unwarranted since the territory is disputed, to which the Chinese (encouraged by Pakistan) pay little heed. Hence, the current debate in PoK, in a way, validates India’s position and claim on PoK.

A fresh debate in India needs to be initiated from this point. India’s position that Gilgit Baltistan is disputed stands corroborated by developments in PoK. Gilgit Baltistan and the so called AJK are parts of the Indian state of Jammu & Kashmir. After a span of more than six decades since the princely state of J&K acceded to India, this Indian state has evolved with its political processes progressing well. This is so because India has allowed political freedom in J&K. In comparison, Pakistan has failed to address the aspirations of the people under subjugation in PoK leading to frequent political outbursts as being witnessed now. These outbursts are only likely to grow given Pakistan’s indifference towards PoK as a whole in combination with its internal security dynamics and external preoccupations.

Originally published by Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (www.idsa.in) athttp://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/GilgitBaltistanNeitherinPakistanNorof%E2%80%99it_psingh_060212

Kalash

The Kalash or Kalasha, are an ethnic group found in the Hindu Kush mountain range in the Chitral district of the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Although quite numerous before the twentieth century, this non-Muslim group has been partially assimilated by the larger Muslim majority of Pakistan and seen its numbers dwindle over the past century. Today, sheikhs, or converts to Islam, make up more than half of the total Kalasha-speaking population.

The culture of Kalash people is unique and differs drastically from the various ethnic groups surrounding them. They are polytheists and nature plays a highly significant and spiritual role in their daily life. As part of their religious tradition, sacrifices are offered and festivals held to give thanks for the abundant resources of their three valleys. Kalash mythology and folklore has been compared to that of ancient Greece, but they are much closer to Indo-Iranian (Vedic and pre-Zoroastrian) traditions.

 

Location

Located in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan, the Kalash people live in three isolated mountain valleys: Bumboret (Kalash: Mumret), Rumbur (Rukmu), and Birir (Biriu). These valleys are opening towards the Kunar River, some 20 km south (downstream) of Chitral.

The Bumboret and Rumbur valleys join at 35°44′20″N 71°43′40″E / 35.73889, 71.72778 (1640 m), joining the Kunar at the village of Ayrun (35°42′52″N 71°46′40″E / 35.71444, 71.77778, 1400 m) and they each rise to passes connecting to Afghanistan's Nuristan Province at about 4500 m.

The Birir valley opens towards the Kunar at the village of Gabhirat (35°40′8″N 71°45′15″E / 35.66889, 71.75417, 1360 m). A pass connects the Birir and Bumboret valleys at about 3000 m. The Kalash villages in all three valleys are located at a height of approximately 1900 to 2200 m.

The region is extremely fertile, covering the mountainside in rich oak forests and allowing for intensive agriculture, despite the fact that most of the work is done not by machinery, but by hand. The powerful and dangerous rivers that flow through the valleys have been harnessed to power grinding mills and to water the farm fields through the use of ingenious irrigation channels. Wheat, maize, grapes (generally used for wine), apples, apricots, and walnuts are among the many foodstuffs grown in the area, along with surplus fodder used for feeding the livestock.

The climate is typical of high elevation regions without large bodies of water to regulate the temperature. The summers are mild and agreeable with average maximum temperatures between 23° and 27°C (73° - 81°F). Winters, on the other hand, can be very cold, with average minimum temperatures between 2° and 1°C (36° - 34°F). The average yearly precipitation is 700 to 800mm (28 - 32 inches).

 

History

Some scholars have speculated that the Kalash might derive from the direct descendants of Greek settlers, or of members of Alexander the Great's army.^[1][2] Indeed, it is well known that Greek-speaking peoples and Greek Kingdoms once flourished in this region for hundreds of years. The frequency of blond haired and blue eyed members of the Kalash population has fuelled speculation that this ethnic group may be the descendants of ancient Greeks in the region (see "Genetic origins" below).

In more recent times, since the 1700s, the Kalash have been ruled by the Mehtar of the princely state of Chitral and enjoyed a cordial relationship with the major ethnic group of the region, the Kho who are Sunni and Ismaili Muslims. The multi-ethnic and multi-religious State of Chitral ensured that the Kalash were able to live in peace and harmony and practice their culture and religion. The Nuristani, their neighbors in the region of former Kafiristan west of the border, were invaded in the 1890s and converted to Islam by Amir Abdur-Rahman of Afghanistan and their land was renamed Nuristan.

Prior to that event, the people of Kafiristan had paid tribute to the Mehtar of Chitral and accepted his suzerainty. This came to an end with the 1893 Durand Line Agreement, signed by Mortimer Durand, when Kafiristan fell under the Afghan sphere of Influence. Recently, the Kalash have been able to stop their demographic and cultural spiral towards extinction and have, for the past 30 years, been on the rebound. Increased international awareness, a more tolerant government, and monetary assistance have allowed them to continue their way of life. Their numbers remain stable at around 3000. Although many convert to Islam, the high birth rate replaces them, and with medical facilities (previously there were none) they live longer.

Allegations of "immorality" connected with their practices have led to the forcible conversion to Islam of several villages in the 1950s, which has led to heightened antagonism between the Kalash and the surrounding Muslims. Since the 1970s, schools and roads were built in some valleys.^[3]

Rehman and Ali ^[4] report that pressure of radical Muslim organizations is on the increase:

"Ardent Muslims on self-imposed missions to eradicate idolatry regularly attack those engaged in traditional Kalash religious rituals, smashing their idols. The local Mullahs and the visiting Tableghi Jammaites remain determined to 'purify' the Kafirs."^[5]

In response, a leader of the Kalash, Saifulla Jan, has stated, "If any Kalash converts to Islam, they can't live among us anymore. We keep our identity strong."^[6]

Historically, a goat herding and subsistence farming people, the Kalash are moving towards a cash-based economy whereas previously wealth was measured in livestock and crops. Tourism now makes up a large portion of the economic activities of the Kalash. To cater to these new visitors, small stores and guest houses have been erected, providing new luxury for visitors of the valleys.^[7] People attempting to enter the valleys have to pay a toll to the Pakistani government, which is used to preserve and care for the Kalash people and their culture.

 

Language

The language of the Kalash is a Dardic language belonging to the Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-Iranian group; itself part of the larger Indo-European family. It is classified as a member of the Chitral sub-group, the only other member of that group being Khowar. The Norwegian Linguist Georg Morgenstierne who studied both languages wrote that in spite of similarities Kalasha is an independent language in its own right, not a mere dialect of Khowar.^{[8] [9]}

Until the latter twentieth century, Kalash was an undocumented language. More recently, through the work of a Greek NGO and local Kalash elders seeking to preserve their oral traditions, a new Kalasha alphabet has been created. Taj Khan Kalash has also been influential in the development of the new alphabet. Having moved to Thessaloniki, Greece to study linguistics in the Aristotle University, he and the Greek NGO Mesogaia took on the task of compiling the script and creating The Alphabet Book, a primer used to teach the alphabet to the Kalash children. Badshah Munir Bukhari unicoded the Kalasha Language in 2005.

 

Genetic origins

Some scholars have speculated that the Kalash might be from ancient Middle Eastern populations,^[10] direct descendants of ancient Greek settlers, or of members of Alexander the Great's army.^[11] Though often overstated, instances of blond hair or light eyes are not unusual.

In a 2005 study of ASPM gene variants, Mekel-Bobrov et al. found that the Kalash people of Pakistan have among the highest rate of the newly-evolved ASPM haplogroup D, at 60 percent occurrence of the approximately 6000-year-old allele.^[12] While it is not yet known exactly what selective advantage is provided by this gene variant, the haplogroup D allele is thought to be positively selected in populations and to confer some substantial advantage that has caused its frequency to rapidly increase, perhaps imbuing cognitive or behavioral abilities related to non-tonal languages and alphabetical scripts.

The Kalash also have been shown to exhibit the exceedingly rare 19 allele value at autosomal marker D9S1120 at a frequency higher than the majority of other world populations which do have it.^[13]
Firasat et al. (2006) conclude that the Kalash lack typical Greek haplogroups (e.g. haplogroup 21).^[14] On the other hand, a study by Qamar et al. (2002) found that even though "no support for a Greek origin of their Y chromosomes was found" in the Kalash, Greek y-chromosome admixture could be as high as 20 percent to 40 percent.^[15] Considering the apparent absence of haplogroup 21 in the local population, one of the possibilities suggested was because of genetic drift.^[15] On the basis of Y chromosome allele frequency, some researchers describe the exact Greek contribution to Kalash as unclear.^[16]

Another study with Qasim Ayub, and S. Qasim Mehdi, and led by Quintana-Murci claims that "the western Eurasian presence in the Kalash population reaches a frequency of 100 percent, the most prevalent [mtDNA] haplogroup being U4, (pre-HV)1, U2e, and J2," and that they show "no detectable East or South Asian lineages. The outlying genetic position is seen in all analyses. Moreover, although this population is composed of western Eurasian lineages, the most prevalent … are rare or absent in the surrounding populations and usually characterize populations from Eastern Europe, the middle East and the Caucasus…. All these observations bear witness to the strong effects of genetic drift of the Kalash population…. However, a western Eurasian origin for this population is likely, in view of their maternal lineages, which can ultimately be traced back to the Middle East."^[17]

The estimates by Qamar et al. of Greek admixture has been dismissed by Toomas Kivisild, who wrote, “some admixture models and programs that exist are not always adequate and realistic estimators of gene flow between populations ... this is particularly the case when markers are used that do not have enough restrictive power to determine the source populations ... or when there are more than two parental populations. In that case, a simplistic model using two parental populations would show a bias towards overestimating admixture”.^[18] Their study came to the conclusion that the Pakistani Kalash population estimate by (Qamar et al. 2002) “is unrealistic and is likely also driven by the low marker resolution that pooled southern and western Asian–specific Y-chromosome haplogroup H together with European-specific haplogroup I, into an uninformative polyphyletic cluster 2”.^[18]
A study led by Noah A. Rosenberg of the Department of Human Genetics, Bioinformatics Program, and the Life Sciences Institute, University of Michigan, found through genetic testing among the Kalash population has shown that they are, in fact, a distinct (and perhaps aboriginal) population with only minor contributions from outside peoples. In one cluster analysis with (K = 7), the Kalash form one cluster, the others being Africans, Europeans/Middle Easterners/South Asians, East Asians, Melanesians, and Native Americans.^[19]

In the recent study: "Worldwide Human Relationships Inferred from Genome-Wide Patterns of Variation (2008)," geneticists using more than 650,000 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNP) samples from the Human Genome Diversity Panel, found deep rooted lineages that could be distinguished in the Kalash. The results showed them not only to be distinct, but perfectly clustered within the Central/South Asian populations at (K = 7). The study also showed the Kalash to be a separated group, having no membership within European populations.^[20]

 

Customs

 

A Kalash toddler

Kalash women usually wear long black robes, often embroidered with cowrie shells. For this reason, they are known in Chitral as "The Black Kafirs." Men have adopted the Pakistani shalwar kameez, while children wear small versions of adult clothing after the age of four.

In contrast to the surrounding Pakistani culture, the Kalash do not in general separate males and females or frown on contact between the sexes. However, menstruating girls and women are sent to live in the "bashaleni," the village menstrual building, during their periods, until they regain their "purity." They are also required to give birth in the bashaleni. There is also a ritual restoring "purity" to a woman after childbirth which must be performed before a woman can return to her husband.^[21] The husband is an active participant in this ritual.

Marriage by elopement is rather frequent, also involving women who are already married to another man. Indeed, wife-elopement is counted as one of the "great customs" (ghōna dastūr) together with the main festivals.

Girls are usually married at an early age. If a woman wants to change husbands, she will write a letter to her prospective husband offering herself in marriage and informing the would-be groom how much her current husband paid for her. This is because the new husband must pay double if he wants her. For example, if the current husband paid one cow for her, then the new husband must pay two cows to the original husband if he wants her.

Wife-elopement may lead in some rare cases to a quasi-feud between clans until peace is negotiated by mediators, in the form of the double bride-price paid by the new husband to the ex-husband.^[22]

 

Religion

 

Two Kalash women who are polytheistic

Kalash culture and belief system differs drastically from the various ethnic groups surrounding them but is similar to that of the neighboring Nuristanis in northeast Afghanistan, before their enforced Islamization in the last decade of the nineteenth century. Kalash religion, mythology and ritual strongly resemble those of the Vedic Indo-Aryans and the pre-Zoroastrian Iranians.^[23] Kalash mythology and folklore has been compared to that of ancient Greece^[24], but they are much closer to Indo-Iranian (Vedic and pre-Zoroastrian) traditions^[25]

There is a creator deity called Dezau (ḍezáw) whose name is derived from Indo-European dheig'h 'to form' (cf. Vedic dih, Kati Nuristani dez 'to create', CDIAL 14621); he is also called by the Persian term Khodai (Khodáy, Paydagaráw, Parwardigár, Malék). There are a number of other deities, semi-gods and spirits. The Kalash pantheon is thus one of the last living representatives of Indo-European religion, along with Hinduism and Zoroastrianism.
There is the prominent Indr or Varendr (Warín, Werín from *aparendra); the rainbow (indré~ CDIAL 1577) is called "Indra's bow" as in Vedic; "when it thunders, Indra plays Polo." Indra is attested both in Vedic and Avestan texts and goes back to Indo-Iranian deity Vṛtrahan the 'slayer of vṛtra' (resistance).

Indra appears in various form, such as Sajigor (Sajigōr), also called Shura Verin (Šúra Werín from *śūra *aparendra 'the hero, the unrivaled Indra'). Warén(dr-) or In Warīn is the mightiest and most dangerous god. The location of his shrine was assigned by bow shot, which recalls the Vedic Indra's Bunda bow.^[23] Another one of his forms is the recently popular Balumain (Baḷimaín). Riding on a horse, he comes to the Kalash valleys from the outside at winter solstice. Balumain is a culture hero who taught how to celebrate the Kalash winter festival (Chaumos). He is connected with Tsyam, the mythological homeland of the Kalash. Indra has a demon-like counterpart, Jeṣṭan (from *jyeṣṭha? 'the best'), who appears on earth as a dog; the gods (Devalog, Dewalók) are his enemies and throw stones at him, the shooting stars. ^[23]

In myth, Mahandeu had cheated Balumain from superiority, when all the gods had "slept together" (a euphemism) in the Shawalo meadow; therefore, he went to the mythical home of the Kalash in Tsiyam (tsíam), to come back next year like the Vedic Indra (Rigveda 10.86). If this had not happened, Balumain would have taught humans how to have sex as a sacred act. Instead, he could only teach them fertility songs used at the Chaumos ritual. He arrives from the west, the (Kati Kafir) Bashgal valley, in early December, before solstice, and leaves the day after. He was at first shunned by some people, who were annihilated. He was however, received by seven Devalog and they all went to several villages, such as Batrik village, where seven pure, young boys received him whom he took with him. Therefore, nowadays, one only sends men and older boys to receive him. Balumain is the typical culture hero. He told people about the sacred fire made from junipers, about the sowing ceremony for wheat that involved the blood of a small goat, and he asked for wheat tribute (hushak) for his horse. Finally, Balumain taught how to celebrate the winter festival. He was visible only during his first visit, now he is just felt to be present. ^[23]
Another god, Munjem Malik (munjem from *madhyama (middle); malék from Arabic malik (king)), is the Lord of Middle Earth and he killed—like the Vedic Indra—his father, a demon. Mahandeo (mahandéo, cf. the Nuristani Mon/Māndi, from *mahān deva), is the god of crops, and also the god of war and a negotiator with the highest deity.^[23]

Jestak (jéṣṭak, from *jyeṣṭhā, or *deṣṭrī?) is the goddess of domestic life, family and marriage. Her lodge is the women's house (Jeṣṭak Han).

Dezalik (ḍizálik), the sister of "Dezau" is the goddess of childbirth, the hearth and of life force; she protects children and women. She is similar to the Kafiri Nirmali (Indo-Iranian *nirmalikā). She is also responsible for the Bashaleni lodge.

There also is a general pattern of belief in mountain fairies, Suchi (súči, now often called Peri), who help in hunting and killing enemies, and the Varōti (Sanskrit Vātaputra), their violent male partners (echoing the Vedic Apsaras and Gandharvas). They live in the high mountains, such as Tirich Mir (Vedic Meru, *devameru: Shina díamer, CDIAL 6533), but in late autumn they descend to the mountain meadows.

The Jach (j.ac. from yakṣ (inī), are a separate category of female spirits of the soil or of special places, fields and mountain pastures.^[23]

 

Ritual

The Kalash deities have shrines throughout the valleys, where they frequently receive goat sacrifices. In 1929, as Georg Morgenstierne testifies, such rituals were still carried out by Kalash priests known as "ištikavan" (from ištikhék 'to praise a god'). This institution has since disappeared but there still is the prominent one of shamans (dehar)^[26] The deities are temporary visitors. Kalash shrines (dūr 'house', cf. Vedic dúr) are wooden or stone altars with an effigy of a human head inside holes in these shrines. Horses, cows, goats and sheep were sacrificed. Wine is a sacred drink of Indr, who owns a vineyard that he defends against invaders. Kalash ritual is of potlatch type; by organizing rituals and festivals (up to 12; the highest called biramōr) one gains fame and status. As in the Veda, the former local artisan class was excluded from public religious functions.^[23]

However, there is a special role for prepubescent boys, who are treated with special awe, combining pre-sexual behavior and the purity of the high mountains, where they tend goats for the summer month. Purity is very much stressed and centered around altars, goat stables, the space between the hearth and the back wall of houses and in festival periods; the higher up in the valley, the more pure the location.^[23]

By contrast, women (especially during menstruation and giving birth), as well as death and decomposition and the outside (Muslim) world are impure, and, just as in the Vedas and Avesta, many cleansing ceremonies are required if impurity occurs.^[23]
Crows represent the ancestors, and are frequently fed with the left hand (also at tombs), just as in the Veda. The dead are buried above ground in ornamented wooden coffins. Wooden effigies are erected at the graves of wealthy or honored people.^[23][27]

 

Festivals

 

A Kalash Man Dances during the Uchau Festival

The three main festivals (khawsáṅgaw) of the Kalash are the Joshi festival in late May, the Uchau in autumn, and the Caumus in midwinter.^[28] The pastoral god Sorizan protects the herds in Fall and Winter and is thanked at the winter festival, while Goshidai does so until the Pul festival (pũ. from *pūrṇa, full moon in September) and is thanked at the Joshi (joṣi, žōši) festival in spring.
Joshi is celebrated at the end of May each year. The first day of Joshi is "Milk Day," on which the Kalash offer libations of milk that have been saved for ten days prior to the festival.

The most important Kalash festival is the Chaumos, which is celebrated for two weeks at winter solstice (c. Dec. 7-22), at the beginning of the month chawmos mastruk. It marks the end of the year's fieldwork and harvest. It involves much music, dancing, and the sacrifice of many goats. It is dedicated to the god Balimain who is believed to visit from the mythical homeland of the Kalash, Tsyam (Tsiyam, tsíam), for the duration of the feast. Food sacrifices are offered at the clans' Jeshtak shrines, dedicated to the ancestors.

At Chaumos, impure and uninitiated persons are not admitted; they must be purified by a waving a fire brand over women and children and by a special fire ritual for men, involving a shaman waving juniper brands over the men. The 'old rules' of the gods (Devalog, dewalōk) are no longer in force, as is typical for year-end and carnival-like rituals. The main Chaumos ritual takes place at a Tok tree, a place called Indra's place, "indrunkot," or "indréyin." Indrunkot is sometimes believed to belong to Balumain's brother, In(dr), lord of cattle.^[23] Ancestors, impersonated by young boys (ōnjeṣṭa 'pure') are worshiped and offered bread; they hold onto each other and form a human chain (cf. the Vedic anvārambhaṇa) and snake through the village.

The men must be divided into two parties: the "pure" ones have to sing the well-honored songs of the past, but the "impure" sing wild, passionate, and obscene songs, with an altogether different rhythm. This is accompanied by a 'sex change': men dress as women, women as men (Balumain also is partly seen as female and can change between both forms at will).

Gilgit-Baltistan: The forgotten Kashmir

By: Sushant Singh
 

In an interview last week, head of Indian army's Northern Command said that there are 1,000-1,500 Chinese soldiers "looking at some dams and bridges in the Northern Areas". The region is strategically important as the Karakoram Highway linking China to Pakistan passes through it. Although Northern Areas is a part of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, they are not part of the so-called 'Azad Kashmir'. While most Indians are ignorant of the status of the Northern Areas, Kashmiri youth are no better informed. In a survey conducted by IRIIS among Kashmiri urban youth last year, 58 per cent respondents didn't know the status of Northern Areas. In fact, no one can get that answer right because Northern Areas has a very ambiguous status.


Strategic territory: Gilgit Baltistan, previously known as the Northern
Areas, is under the direct control of Islamabad, but distinct from the
Pakistan-occupied 'Azad Kashmir'

After Pakistan government enacted the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order in August 2009, Northern Areas came to be formally known as Gilgit-Baltistan. The region now has an elected assembly and a council headed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan. This council wields all the powers and controls, the resources and revenue accrued from the region. In any case, the so-called regional government is under the overall control of the federal ministry of the Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan in Islamabad.

But Gilgit-Baltistan or Northern Areas do not find any mention in the Pakistani constitution: it is neither independent nor does it have a provincial status. This huge territory, more than six times the size of 'Azad Kashmir' and part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, has been under Pakistan's control since November 4, 1947 when the British Commander of Gilgit Scouts, Major Brown declared accession to Pakistan. The region was then named 'The Northern Areas of Pakistan' and put under the direct control of Islamabad, distinct from the Pakistan-occupied 'Azad Kashmir'.

The inhabitants of the region believe that their unique ethno-cultural and religious identity has been threatened after their annexation to Pakistan. First, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in the 1970s, abrogated the State Subject Rule -- the law that until then protected the local demographic composition -- to facilitate Pakistani Sunnis to acquire land and settle in the region. This single order damaged the social fabric and provoked sectarian feuds that continue to simmer till this day.

Later, the ethnic composition of the region was tampered with by the Zia-ul-Haq-sponsored anti-Shia forces; the number of Shias in this region have since reduced drastically. Pakistani establishment-led Shia-Sunni and Shia-Nurbakshi riots caused extreme socio-political polarisation in Skardu in the early 1980s. But a permanent trust deficit was created in May 1988 when tribal Lashkars, after receiving a nod of approval from General Zia, abducted local women and massacred thousands of Shias in Gilgit.

In the recent years, many Taliban who escaped from Swat and adjoining areas have found shelter among Sunni extremists in Gilgit. More than 300 suspected terrorists were expelled from Gilgit in October 2008, highlighting fears that the Taliban has a strong presence in the region. The massacre of Shia pilgrims in Kohistan in February this year, while they were on their way back to Gilgit-Baltistan, points to the dangers of Talibanisation. At least 16 Shias were identified, forced to disembark from the bus and brutally shot to death in Kohistan by the Sunni extremist group, Jundallah.

The situation, exacerbated by growing involvement of China and exploitation of this natural resource-rich region by Islamabad, has given rise to some nationalist groups. Claiming to represent an 'oppressed people' owing to sectarianism, intolerance, poverty, terrorist camps and exploitation of resources, groups such as the Balawaristan National Front have explicitly defined their goal as 'freedom from Pakistan's illegal occupation.'

India can no longer be oblivious to continued Pakistani designs to alter the unique ethno-nationalist and religious character of a territory that legally belongs to India. Along with the government, Indian civil society groups need to highlight the violation of the basic human rights of the population of Gilgit-Baltistan, who are de jure citizens of India. After all, the parliamentary resolution of 1994 had reaffirmed that the region is a "part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, which is an integral part of India by virtue of its accession to it in 1947."

Sushant K Singh is Fellow for National Security at the Takshashila Institution and editor of Pragati-The Indian National Interest Review

 http://www.mid-day.com/opinion/2012/mar/270312-opinion-Gilgit-Baltistan-The-forgotten-Kashmir.htm

Gilgit

Budha's rock carving (Top) - Gilgit Monument (Below - Photo courtesy Karrar Haidri )

Located on the Karakoram Highway (KKH), the Eighth Wonder of the World, Gilgit is the most important city in the Northern Area of Pakistan. Gilgit provides the jump pad to some of the loftiest and mightiest pinnacles of the world and lush green valleys. It is also the biggest city after one crosses into Pakistan from China on KKH. It provides an insight into the so called Virgin Beauty of unexplored world. 

Gilgit is the administrative capital of Northern Area Pakistan, consisted of six districts namely Ghezir, Gilgit, Diamar, Astore, Baltistan (Skardu) and Ghanche. Its ancient name was Sargin, later to be known as Gilit, and it is still called Gilit or Sargin-Gilit by local people, in the Burushaski language, it is named Geelt. Ghallata is considered its name in ancient Sanskrit literature. Gilgit city is one of the two major hubs on the Northern Areas for all mountaineering expeditions of Karakoram to the peaks of the Himalayas, the other hub being Skardu.

It is accessible by road and air from Islamabad. It has an area of 14,680 mi (38,021 km ). Gilgit lies about 10 km off the Karakoram Highway. The KKH connects it to Chilas, Dasu, Besham, Mansehra, Abbottabad and Islamabad in the south. In the North it is connected to Karimabad (Hunza) and Sust in the Northern Areas and to the Chinese cities of Tashkurgan, Upal and Kashgar in Xinjiang. 

The maximum temperature in May is 33 C and minimum 16 C In September. Gilgit is the gateway to China and Central Asia. Gilgit is also the hub of various valleys to the North Hunza and China. To the South, Diamar, Kohistan and Swat. To the East Skardu and Kashmir, and to the West Ghezir and Chitral. Shina is the language mainly spoken and understood in Gilgit Northern Area of Pakistan. Beside Shina people can speak and understand Urdu and English. Gilgit is well connected by air with Islamabad. You can take a flight to Gilgit from the capital of the country and reach Gilgit. The airport at Gilgit is just a mile away from the main bazaar and you can take mini-vans or some other vehicle to reach Gilgit town. Many tourists choose to travel Gilgit by air since the road travel between Islamabad and Gilgit by Karakoram Highway takes nearly 18 hours, whereas the air travel takes a mere 45-50 minutes. There are various transports companies i.e. Silk Route Transport Pvt, Mashabrum Transport Pvt and Northern Areas Transport Corporation (NATCO). But NATCO has vast coverage faciality. It offers passenger road service between Islamabad, Gilgit, Sust and Tashkurgan, and road service between Kashgar and Gilgit (via Tashkurgan and Sust) started in the summer of 2006. However, the border crossing between China and Pakistan at Khunjerab Pass (the highest border of the world) is open only between May 1 and October 15 of every year. During winter, the roads are blocked by snow. Even during the monsoon season in summer, the roads are often blocked due to landslides. The best time to travel on Karakoram Highway is spring or early summer.

The region is significantly mountainous, lying on the foothills of the Karakoram mountains, and has an average altitude of 1,500 m (5,000 ft). Gilgit city is one of the two major hubs for all mountaineering expeditions in the Northern Areas of Pakistan. For the sportive, one of the most interesting excursions is to Rakaposhi base camp. Rakaposhi is a 8-km giant. The peak tourist season is from May to mid-October though the tourist season is round the year.

Gilgit was an important city on the Silk Road through which Buddhism was spread from South Asia to the rest of Asia. A large number of Buddhist Sanskrit texts, included the long version of the Heart Sutra have been unearthed in Gilgit. The Dards and Cizinas also appear in many of the old Pauranic lists of peoples, with the former finding mention in Ptolemy's accounts of the region. Two famous travelers, Faxian, and Xuanzang are known to have traversed Gilgit as per their accounts.“

Chowk Yadgar (left- photo courtesy: Chiels at www.flickr.com ) - Gilgit Sarena Hotel (right)

Two miles out of town there are a pair of Buddha's carved in to a high rock. They go back to the 5-th century. It's a nice hike, the scenery on your way is gorgeous. Then there is a monument to commemorate the fact that the boy scouts of Gilgit were the spark that set the flame in the battle between Pakistan and India for supremacy over Kashmir.  The beautiful valley of Naltar in the south eastern side of Gilgit is 35 km away from the main town. It's lush green pastures and green carpeted ground make it a jewel of the Gilgit. It is a forested (pine) village known for its wildlife and magnificent mountain scenery.

http://www.pakistanpaedia.com/oth/gilgit/gilgit.html

Rajatarangini : A Chronicle of Kashmir

The Rājatarangiṇī is a metrical chronicle of North west of the Indian subcontinent particularly the kings of Kashmir from earliest time written in Sanskrit by Kalhaṇa. The Rājatarangiṇī often has been erroneously referred to as the River of the Kings. In reality what Kalhana means by Rājatarangiṇī is Waves of Kings. In Sanskrit Taranga means a wave. It is believed that the book was written sometime during the 12th century. The work generally records the heritage of Kashmir, but 120 verses of Rājatarangiṇī describe the misrule prevailing in Kashmir during the reign of King Kalash, son of King Ananta Deva of Kashmir. Although the earlier books are inaccurate in their chronology, they still provide an invaluable source of information about early Kashmir and its neighbors in the north western parts of the Indian subcontinent, and are widely referenced by later historians and ethnographers.

Context

The broad valley of Kashmir, also spelled Cashmere  is almost completely surrounded by the Great Himalayas and the Pir Panjal range.

Kalhana states that the valley of Kashmir was formerly a lake. This was drained by the great rishi or sage, Kashyapa, son of Marichi, son of Brahma, by cutting the gap in the hills at Baramulla (Varaha-mula). Vraha (in Kashmiri Boar), Mulla (in Kashmiri Molar).

With a fertile soil and temperate climate, the valley is rich in rice, vegetables and fruits of all kinds, and famous for the quality of its wool. Kashmir has been inhabited since prehistoric times, sometimes independent but at times subjugated by invaders from Bactria, Tartary, Tibet and other mountainous regions to the North, and from the Indus valley and the Ganges valley to the South. At different times the dominant religion has been Hindu, Buddhist, Animist and (after the period of the history) Muslim.

 

Kalhana: the author & his philosophy

Kalhana (कल्हण) (c. 12th century CE) a Kashmiri Brahmin was the author of Rajatarangini, and is regarded as Kashmir's first historian. In fact, his translator Aurel Stein expressed the view that his was the only true Sanskrit history. Little is known about him except from what he tells us about himself in the opening verses of his book. His father Champaka was the minister (Lord of the Gate) in Harsha of Kashmir's court.

Kalhana in his opening Taranga of Rajatarangini presents his views on how history ought to be written. From Stein's translation:

• Verse 7. Fairness: That noble-minded author is alone worthy of praise whose word, like that of a judge, keeps free from love or hatred in relating the facts of the past.
• Verse 11. Cite earlier authors: The oldest extensive works containing the royal chronicles [of Kashmir] have become fragmentary in consequence of [the appearance of] Suvrata's composition, who condensed them in order that (their substance) might be easily remembered.
• Verse 12. Suvrata's poem, though it has obtained celebrity, does not show dexterity in the exposition of the subject-matter, as it is rendered troublesome [reading] by misplaced learning.
• Verse 13. Owing to a certain want of care, there is not a single part in Ksemendra's "List of Kings" (Nrpavali) free from mistakes, though it is the work of a poet.
• Verse 14. Eleven works of former scholars containing the chronicles of the kings, I have inspected, as well as the [Purana containing the] opinions of the sage Nila.
• Verse 15. By looking at the inscriptions recording the consecretations of temples and grants by former kings, at laudatory inscriptions and at written works, the trouble arising from many errors has been overcome.

Despite these stated principles, and despite the value that historians have placed on Kalhana's work, it must be accepted that his history was far from accurate. In the first three books, there is little evidence of authenticity and serious inconsistencies. For example, Ranaditya is given a reign of 300 years. Toromanu is clearly the Huna king of that name, but his father Mihirakula is given a date 700 years earlier. It is known, however, that Mihirakula was the son of Toramana. The chronicles only start to align with other evidence by book IV,

 

Structure of Rajatarangini

The author of the Rajatarangini history chronicles the rulers of the valley from earliest times, from the epic period of the Mahābhārata to the reign of Sangrama Deva (c.1006 CE), before the Muslim era. The list of kings goes back to the 19th century BCE. Some of the kings and dynasties can be identified with inscriptions and the histories of the empires that periodically included the Kashmir valley, but for long periods the Rajatarangini is the only source.

The work consists of 7826 verses, which are divided into eight books called Tarangas (waves).

Kalhaṇa’s account of Kashmir begins with the legendary reign of Gonarda, who was contemporary to Yudhisthira of the Mahābhārata, but the recorded history of Kashmir, as retold by Kalhaṇa begins from the period of the Mauryas. Kalhaṇa’s account also states that the city of Srinagar was founded by the Mauryan emperor, Ashoka, and that Buddhism reached the Kashmir valley during this period. From there, Buddhism spread to several other adjoining regions including Central Asia, Tibet and China.

 

The dynasties

The kings of Kashmir described in the Rājatarangiṇī can be roughly grouped into dynasties as in the table below.

Notes in parentheses refer to a book and verse. Thus (IV.678) is Book IV verse 678. 
 

Gonanda I	The Rajatarangini (I.59) lists Gonanda I as the first king of Kashmir, a relative of Jarasasamdha of Magadh.
Lost and Unknown kings	Skipping over "lost kings" we come to Lava of an unknown family. After his family, Godhara of another family ruled (I.95).
Mauryas	The Maurya Empire was a geographically extensive and powerful political and military empire in ancient India, founded by Chandragupta Maurya in Magadha, in 322 BCE. His grandson Ashoka the Great (273-232 BCE) built many stupas in Kashmir, and was succeeded by his son Jalauka.
Kushanas	After a Damodara ("of Asoka's kula or another"), we have Hushka, Jushka and Kanishka (127–147 CE) of the Bactrian Kushan Empire. (Note the confusion of dates in this and the following sections. Kalhana appears to made little attempt to determine the actual dates and sequence of rule of the kings and dynasties he recorded)
Gonandiya	After an Abhimanyu, we come to the main Gonandiya dynasty, founded by Gonanda III. He was (I.191) the first of his race. Nothing is known about his origin. His family ruled for many generations.
Some others	Eventually a Pratapaditya, a relative of Vikrmaditya (not the Shakari) became king (II.6). After a couple of generations a Vijaya from another family took the throne (II.62). His son Jayendra was followed by Sandhimat-Aryaraja (34 BCE-17 CE) who had the soul of Jayendra's minister Sandhimati. Kalhana says that Samdhimat Aryaraja used to spend “the most delightful Kashmir summer” in worshiping a lingam formed of snow/ice “in the regions above the forests” (II.138). This too appears to be a reference to the ice lingam at Amarnath.
Huna	Kalhana describes the rules of Toramana and Mihirakula (510-542 CE), but does not mention that these were Huna people: this is known from other sources.
Gonandiya again	After the Huna, Meghavahana of the Gonandiya family was brought back from Gandhara. His family ruled for a few generations. Meghavahana was a devout Buddhist and prohibited animal slaughter in his domain.
Karkota dynasty (625-1003 CE)	Gonandiya Baladitya made his officer in charge of fodder, Durlabhavardhana (III.489) his son-in-law because he was handsome. Lalitaditya Muktapida (724-760 CE) of this dynasty created an empire based on Kashmir and covering most of North western India and Central Asia. (With his account of the Karkota dynasty, relatively recent at the time he wrote his chronicles, Kalhana's information becomes more consistent with other sources.) Kalhana relates that Laliditya Muktapida invaded the tribes of the north and after defeating the Kambojas, he immediately faced the Tusharas. The Tusharas did not give a fight but fled to the mountain ranges leaving their horses in the battle field. Then Lalitaditiya meets the Bhauttas in Baltistan in western Tibet north of Kashmir, then the Dardas in Karakoram/Himalaya, the Valukambudhi and then he encounters Strirajya, the Uttarakurus and the Pragjyotisha respectively (IV.165-175).
Utpala	In the Karkota family, Lalitapida had a concubine, a daughter of a Kalyapala (IV.678). Her son was Chippatajayapida. The young Chippatajayapida was advised by his maternal uncle Utpalaka or Utpala (IV.679). Eventually the Karkota dynasty ended and a grandson of Utpala became king.
Kutumbi	After the Utpala dynasty, a Yashaskara became king (V.469). He was a great-grandson of a Viradeva, a Kutumbi (V.469). Here maybe Kutumbi = kunabi (as in kurmis of UP and Kunbi of Gujarat/Maharastra). He was the son of a treasurer of Karkota Shamkaravarman. Kalhana describes Shamkaravarman (883–902) thus (Stein's trans.): "This [king], who did not speak the language of the gods but used vulgar speech fit for drunkards, showed that he was descended from a family of spirit-distillers". This refers to the fact that the power had passed to the brothers of a queen, who was born in a family of spirit-distillers.
Divira	After a young son of Yashaskara, Pravaragupta, a Divira (clerk), became king. His son Kshemagupta married Didda, daughter of Simharaja of Lohara. After ruling indirectly and directly, Didda (980-1003 CE) placed Samgramaraja, son of her brother on the throne, starting the Lohara dynasty.
Lohara	The Lohara family was founded by a Nara of Darvabhisara (IV.712). He was a vyavahari (perhaps merchant) who along with others who owned villages like him had set up little kingdoms during the last days of Karkotas. The Loharas ruled for many generations. The author Kalhana was a son of a minister of Harsha of this family.

Evaluation

Kalhana lived in a time of political turmoil in Kashmir, at that time a brilliant center of civilization in a sea of barbarism. Kalhana was an educated and sophisticated Brahmin, well-connected in the highest political circles. His writing is full of literary devices and allusions, concealed by his unique and elegant style. Kalhana was a poet. The Rajataringini is a Sanskrit account of the various monarchies of Kashmir, prior to the advent of Islam. Like the Shahnameh is to Persia, the Rajataringini is to Kashmir.

 

Translations

Rajatarangini was translated into Persian by Zain-ul-Abidin order.

There are four English translations of Rājatarangiṇī, by:

• Ranjit Sitaram Pandit
• Horace Hayman Wilson, secretary of The Asiatic Society of Bengal in the early 19th century, and the first English translator of the Rajataragini
• Jogesh Chandra Dutt in the late 19th century
• M. Aurel Stein, done in the early 20th century, in 3 volumes - the most comprehensive.pt.Gopikrishna Shastri (Ujjain) also tranlated in hindi. 

 http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/discussion/Rajatarangini